UP #373 – ALEC Conference Part 2 // Meet the folks who want to tear down government

This series about my attendance at the ALEC conference has first appeared on the website PR Watch.

If yesterday’s far left wanted to overthrow the government, today’s far right would just as soon get rid of most of it. The term “far right” implies a small fringe group, wanting to shove most of the federal apparatus into the dustbin of history, as Marx would say. However ALEC (the American Legislative Exchange Council), is not a small fringe group, they claim to have a quarter of all state legislators as members.

Who are these people? They are not like the Occupy Movement’s youth who pitched tents in parks. They are more like their parents, who stayed at home and watched TV. But make no mistake, they are organized and well funded to carry their ideas forward.

About a 1,000 ALEC delegates and lobbyists attended their largest meetings at the San Diego Hyatt last week. I eyeballed three separate clusters at different times at the conference and the highest percentage of people of color I could count was 8 percent. Women delegates faired better at 20 percent. A handful of youthful interns from the Heritage Foundation kept order, although there was no rowdiness.

ALEC created ACCE (the American City County Exchange) in 2014 as a separate organization for municipal officials. I assumed ALEC’s corporate members initiated ACCE. That may be too simplistic a view, at least from what ACCE’s founder and Director Jon Russell told me.

Russell is a councilmember from the township of Culpeper, Virginia, with a population just under 20,000, which is 52% white, and 32% black. It would seem to be a city in need of federal assistance. The last census showed males had a median income of $28,658 and 27% of the population was below the poverty line. Russell, a father of four children, is white, as was all nine councilmembers when he was first elected.

Despite the differences in our politics I found that we had a similar past in organizing. Both of us started national networks of municipal officials to promote our political views. Jon had connections with about 20 other local politicians from his conservative advocacy work, and I had a similar number from my progressive national work.

I helped launch Local Progress in 2013 by calling together about 30 politicians, community organizers and non-profits. The following year Russell walked into ALEC and told them he wanted to start a conservative national network of municipal officials to carry out ALEC’s mission. They hired him as director and devoted their ample resources to building it. Since his elected job is part time, he retained his seat. Meanwhile, the non-profit Center for Popular Democracy agreed to host Local Progress. The members raised money to pay for a CPD staff person to act as a part-time director and I served as chair.

Today Local Progress has 370 elected officials as members, and ACCE has 312, but they also have over 200 private interest partners. If those businesses pay separately to join ACCE, that would give Russell’s group well over $200,000 in annual income just through corporate membership fees. Although we are currently limiting our membership to cities, ACCE includes counties. We have no membership fees and do not charge for attending our annual conferences, while their fee is $50 per elected official and they charge anywhere from $200 to $700 to attend their meetings, depending on when one registers.

Russell told me that they give out limited grants since many of their members are from smaller towns that do not have budgets to support attending such conferences. I suspect there are a large number of such grants or corporate scholarships provided to those that they would like to see attend.

l intends to double his membership every year and sees the potential to eventually exceed ALEC’s since there are thousands more local officials than state legislators. Given the funds being poured into ALEC by corporations and foundations like the Koch Institute, not to mention access to ALEC’s 40 plus staff, ACCE could become a major player in shaping municipal policies. Their presence may not grow in the larger democratic cities, but there are thousands of smaller cities that could feel their impact.

Throughout ACCE’s second annual gathering, I sat in a small room with two-dozen members, all white like myself and mostly men, discussing how to limit government’s influence. Russell told the group, “We are looking at our work as pioneers of the future, not prison guards of the past.” Their first publication outlining that future comes out later this year, to be followed by white papers on federalism & local control best practices.

In my next installment I’ll share what I saw of corporate participation in the Conference.

UP #373 – ALEC Conference Part 2: Meet the folks who want to tear down government

This series about my attendance at the ALEC conference has first appeared on the website PR Watch.

If yesterday’s far left wanted to overthrow the government, today’s far right would just as soon get rid of most of it. The term “far right” implies a small fringe group, wanting to shove most of the federal apparatus into the dustbin of history, as Marx would say. However ALEC (the American Legislative Exchange Council), is not a small fringe group, they claim to have a quarter of all state legislators as members.

Who are these people? They are not like the Occupy Movement’s youth who pitched tents in parks. They are more like their parents, who stayed at home and watched TV. But make no mistake, they are organized and well funded to carry their ideas forward.

About a 1,000 ALEC delegates and lobbyists attended their largest meetings at the San Diego Hyatt last week. I eyeballed three separate clusters at different times at the conference and the highest percentage of people of color I could count was 8 percent. Women delegates faired better at 20 percent. A handful of youthful interns from the Heritage Foundation kept order, although there was no rowdiness.

ALEC created ACCE (the American City County Exchange) in 2014 as a separate organization for municipal officials. I assumed ALEC’s corporate members initiated ACCE. That may be too simplistic a view, at least from what ACCE’s founder and Director Jon Russell told me.

Russell is a councilmember from the township of Culpeper, Virginia, with a population just under 20,000, which is 52% white, and 32% black. It would seem to be a city in need of federal assistance. The last census showed males had a median income of $28,658 and 27% of the population was below the poverty line. Russell, a father of four children, is white, as was all nine councilmembers when he was first elected.

Despite the differences in our politics I found that we had a similar past in organizing. Both of us started national networks of municipal officials to promote our political views. Jon had connections with about 20 other local politicians from his conservative advocacy work, and I had a similar number from my progressive national work.

I helped launch Local Progress in 2013 by calling together about 30 politicians, community organizers and non-profits. The following year Russell walked into ALEC and told them he wanted to start a conservative national network of municipal officials to carry out ALEC’s mission. They hired him as director and devoted their ample resources to building it. Since his elected job is part time, he retained his seat. Meanwhile, the non-profit Center for Popular Democracy agreed to host Local Progress. The members raised money to pay for a CPD staff person to act as a part-time director and I served as chair.

Today Local Progress has 370 elected officials as members, and ACCE has 312, but they also have over 200 private interest partners. If those businesses pay separately to join ACCE, that would give Russell’s group well over $200,000 in annual income just through corporate membership fees. Although we are currently limiting our membership to cities, ACCE includes counties. We have no membership fees and do not charge for attending our annual conferences, while their fee is $50 per elected official and they charge anywhere from $200 to $700 to attend their meetings, depending on when one registers.

Russell told me that they give out limited grants since many of their members are from smaller towns that do not have budgets to support attending such conferences. I suspect there are a large number of such grants or corporate scholarships provided to those that they would like to see attend.

l intends to double his membership every year and sees the potential to eventually exceed ALEC’s since there are thousands more local officials than state legislators. Given the funds being poured into ALEC by corporations and foundations like the Koch Institute, not to mention access to ALEC’s 40 plus staff, ACCE could become a major player in shaping municipal policies. Their presence may not grow in the larger democratic cities, but there are thousands of smaller cities that could feel their impact.

Throughout ACCE’s second annual gathering, I sat in a small room with two-dozen members, all white like myself and mostly men, discussing how to limit government’s influence. Russell told the group, “We are looking at our work as pioneers of the future, not prison guards of the past.” Their first publication outlining that future comes out later this year, to be followed by white papers on federalism & local control best practices.

In my next installment I’ll share what I saw of corporate participation in the Conference.

UP #372 – A Progressive Democrat Joins the Right-Wing ALEC Organization

It’s true. I plopped down my $50 and became a member of ALEC (the American Legislative Exchange Council), dedicated to the three principles of limited government, free markets and federalism. This is the basis of a right-wing movement in America to repeal existing government legislation that promotes social justice and economic equity, and stop any future such legislation.
However, while these three words are blazoned across their brochures, the literature inside says, “The goal of ALEC is to foster efficient, effective, accountable and transparent government that respects hardworking people.” Heck, I’ve always campaigned supporting these goals and I don’t know anyone right or left who wouldn’t. So I was intrigued by how such commonly shared goals could lead to such divergent paths toward a more democratic America.

I know the shorthand explanation. Nick, don’t be gullible, the corporations run ALEC and their members are ignorant ideologues or, at best, are being honestly mislead by corporate propaganda. I had to meet these people. I’ve met ignorant ideologues on both sides of the political spectrum. Did the right wing have more of them because corporations spend gobs of money on deception?

There was one problem in finding out—ALEC is open only to state legislators or private-interest parties, i.e. corporations or business associations. Being neither, I wouldn’t be able to get into their conference. A break came last year when ALEC formed ACCE (the American City County Exchange) for city and county public officials. It was to take ALEC’s organizational approach of helping these elected representatives pass laws that could cut taxes, limit government and promote free markets (i.e. turn over government services and functions to businesses).

Gov Walker begins his speech to the ALEC breakfast crowd boasting “we took on the unions and won.” i.e. Labor = enemy

I had assumed that this was a closed association, and that I would be required to take an oath or be screened and approved for admission. There have been democratic state legislators who experienced difficulty in getting admitted into ALEC meetings. But in the end, they were admitted. Why? Because ALEC is a 501c3 organization, which means that it cannot discriminate based on political beliefs if it wants to retain its advantageous tax status. The door was open, all I had to do was step through it and pay the admission charge. There I found that things were not as open as it might have appeared, but I’ll deal with the mechanics of how ALEC/ACCE operate in a later posting.

When I started tweeting (@nickjlicata) and posting on Facebook during my three days attending the joint ALEC/ACCE conference, the initial responses I received were of shock and bewilderment. What was I doing there? It was said that I had crashed this event. But as I point out it’s not about crashing it, since they legally can’t stop an elected from attending. Nevertheless, it does take some nerve to enter into a conference where everyone there has an adamantly different worldview and most likely will see you as the enemy.

The challenge for me, and in a way it is for all of us, is to get around seeing individuals as enemies. Yes, we have different strategies for protecting our democracy but we must listen closely to the other side to understand just how they hope to accomplish that, even when it turns our stomach because we can see how it will most likely cripple our democracy. You cannot sharpen a blade without grinding it against a tough stone. We have to do the same with our minds. If they are not challenged they become mere echo chambers for slogans.

In the following posts, I will introduce the people and leaders I met. I will let you know what they said during the meetings and afterwards. I will describe how ALEC and ACCE operate and how they have begun to reshape this nation to conform to their vision. I will reveal the divisions that exist within them and how those conflicts present an internal challenge to achieving their own goals. And I will talk about how the corporate interests shape these organizations and also how the most conservative elected officials complain about how those same corporations are corrupt.

UP #371 – June 30 Arts Reception for Council Candidates

This is a follow-up to my June 9th blog post on this topic. As Chair of the Seattle City Council’s Finance and Culture Committee, I have partnered with the Seattle Theatre Group to host a reception for representatives of Seattle non-profit arts organizations, the Seattle Arts Commission, and City Council candidates.

When: 5:30 p.m. – 7 p.m. Tuesday, June 30th, 2015.

Where: In the Paramount Theatre Lobby, 911 Pine Street, Seattle.

This reception brings together arts organization staff and board, arts Commissioners to meet candidates registered to run for seats on the 2016 Seattle City Council. The general public is also welcome.

The evening provides an opportunity for arts community members to mingle with candidates and discuss their answers to two questions foremost on the minds of Seattle’s arts community:

1. What do you see as the most challenging arts issues facing Seattle?

2. If elected, how would you advance the arts in Seattle?

Why do I consider the arts important enough to bring to the attention of possible future Councilmembers?

For one, they provide essential ingredients for living: beauty, joy, wonder and a deeper understanding of life. Can you imagine living without the historic Paramount, Eagles Auditorium and 5th Avenue theaters? Never seeing a movie again? Never again reading a non-fiction book? What about James Wehn’s “Chief Seattle Fountain?” Or, Isamu Noguchi’s “Black Sun,” or Jonathan Borofsky’s “Hammering Man,” or Henry Moore’s “Vertebrae” sculptures? When “Vertebrae” was presumably sold and on its way to Japan in 1986, the City threatened legal action if then SeaFirst bank moved it without a comparable replacement. The bank reconsidered and eventually the Seattle Art Museum purchased it so it would stay in Seattle. While we could certainly survive without art in our lives, such survival would be too dull to bear.

Secondly, there is an economic case to be made for the arts. In Seattle, over $447.6 million in annual economic activity is generated, creating 10,807 full-time equivalent jobs, $248.2 million in household income, and $38.2 million in local and state government revenues. Nonprofit arts alone in King, Kitsap, Pierce and Snohomish Counties generates close to $2 billion in the Central Puget Sound’s economy, creating 32,520 jobs, $882 million in labor income and $83 million in taxes. (Americans for the Arts 2012 Arts & Economic Prosperity IV Report)

For these reasons I believe legislating City policies and practices is best accomplished when taking into account its potential impact and relationship to art and culture.

One example is the Council’s recently approved legislation for pedestrian zones in neighborhoods across the City, which allows broader residential uses at street-level in commercial areas. That legislation also addressed areas outside of pedestrian designated zones, including places where developers and property owners are allowed to build live-work units at the street level. Artists and other creative industries typically occupy live-work spaces. Other types of small businesses do, too.

However, a survey my office conducted in 2012 found that most live-work units were being used simply as residential apartments rather than being occupied by businesses whose owners also resided there.

So, I proposed and the Council approved amendments to this legislation that require property owners to keep business licenses on file for each live-work unit they own as well as to provide an exterior sign for each live-work unit indicating its occupying business.

My intent was to lessen the likelihood of owners treating these street-level spaces as apartments, thereby making more live-work space available to artists and other small businesses that can enliven the streetscape through their activities.

City Council candidates’ answers to the two questions above will be posted on my Council website on June 30th. Hard-copies will be available at the event.

Support for the reception comes from Artist Trust, ArtsFund, Town Hall Seattle, Seattle Theatre Group, and the Seattle Arts Commission. Each will send one or more representatives to the reception while encouraging their memberships to attend, as well.

This reception will be a meet-and-greet community event, not a campaign event, and is free and open to the public…to anyone interested in the state of the arts in Seattle.

Please, help spread the word!

Keep in touch…

UP # 369 –  Why The Call From Some For Rent Control?

Housing affordability in Seattle has become a crisis with the highest rent increases of any major U.S. city in 2012 and 2013.  Seattle is now among the nation’s ten most expensive cities.  More than 45% of Seattle rental households are now considered rent-burdened.

A 2015 Washington State Housing Needs Assessment found there are only 34 affordable rental housing units in the City available for every 100 renter households who are earning 50% or below of the median income ($31,400 for a single person), and just 15 affordable rental units in the City available for every 100 renter households earning 30% or below of the median income ($18,850 for a single person).

Finally, just this week, the Out of Reach Report found that in order for a single parent to afford a two-bedroom in King County, one needs to make $27.21 per hour, or $56,595 a year.

What is rent control?

First of all rent is currently controlled. It’s controlled by rental property owners. Some argue that the price is set by the free market. But the market is actually not so free, it’s regulated by government already. For instance, property owners receive tax benefits through depreciation write-offs from taxes they owe.

There are over 200 cities across the country with some form of rent regulation, and each city has tailored their ordinance to fit their housing markets.  Large cities like New York City, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., and Oakland, California have rent regulations as well as smaller cities like Santa Monica, Berkeley, and West Hollywood, and 100 towns in New Jersey and several in Maryland.  Most offer various kinds of exemptions.  For instance newly constructed buildings can be exempt unless the owner voluntarily opts-in in order to receive a property tax reduction.  These laws also allow for additional exemptions when landlords experience increased costs such as increased taxes, utilities, or capital improvement costs.  Many rent regulation laws also contain hardship provisions to ensure that no building operates at a loss because of these laws.

In other words, one size does not fit all.  Some of these laws are not even the kind of laws that most people would consider to be “rent control.”  For instance, laws that close loopholes in local tenant protections and establish better enforcement of the law, laws that require serious code violations to be corrected before rent increases, and laws that prohibit rent increases for seniors in the winter months are all prohibited under RCW 35.21.830, the Washington State law prohibiting all “ordinances or other provisions that regulate the amount of rent.”

Does Rent Regulations Work?

Depends on for whom. These laws work for those that live in rent-regulated units. One Seattle Times columnist wrote how she lived in a rent regulated unit in San Francisco and had very affordable rents. Yet, she wrote that she is opposed to these laws because she believes that they distort the market. However, I’ve never heard of a renter moving out of a rent regulated unit in protest.

The main arguments are that rent regulations a. lead to high vacancy rates, b. slow new construction, and c. result in deterioration and abandonment.  It’s important to make a distinction between the “first generation” rent control laws passed post-World War I and World War II that froze rental costs from the “second generation” rent stabilization laws that replaced them.  In NYC there are about 38,000 rent controlled apartments compared to about one million rent stabilized apartments.  The term “rent regulated” encompasses both rent controlled and rent stabilized units.

Economist Phillip Weitzman, a former director of research and policy with the New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development has said, “The existing empirical literature does not take into account the rise of second generation [moderate] rent controls.” A review of cities with these later laws shows that most of the arguments used against regulating rent are associated with these strict first generation rent control laws.  Here are some of the most common.

Myth 1 – Vacancy rates will rise with rent regulations:

  • After Boston got rid of its rent regulations the vacancy rate got even smaller – it fell to 2.9 percent, from 4% under rent stabilization.
  • NYC, a city with a million rent stabilized units, consistently has vacancy rates that are lower than the rest of the country.

Myth 2 – New construction will slow:

  • Most cities exempt newly constructed buildings unless the owner voluntarily participates in exchange for generous property tax abatements (and in NYC most do opt in).
  • A New Jersey study done after multifamily housing construction dropped by 77% in the nation and in New Jersey by 88% found that the reduction in New Jersey cities with rent regulations was only 52%.
  • NYC’s two biggest 20th century housing booms occurred under its strictest rent control.

Myth 3 – Deterioration and abandonment will result:

  • Abandonment takes place, and at similar rate both in cities with rent stabilization and those without it.
  • A Columbia University study by Peter Marcuse concluded that “substantial evidence available from national as well as local studies suggests that there is no correlation between rent control and abandonment.”
  • Under many laws, owners are allowed generous rent increases for improvements made to their rent regulated properties. For example, an owner who provides a new $400 in a refrigerator is entitled to a rent increase of $10 per month forever.  And the cost of major capital improvements yields twice as much of their original cost in 14-

Myth 4 – All economists oppose rent regulations.

  • The source for this statement appears to originate from a survey of economists who were asked, if they agreed that “a ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available.”
  • Moderate rent regulations are not a “ceiling.”
  • Michael Mandel, a chief economist with Business Week, wrote: “A price ceiling, as defined by economists, is a uniform ban on selling a product above a certain price…. It is clear that such a policy inevitably leads to shortages. However, rent control laws in the United States are not price ceilings in this sense…these laws will not suppress the supply of new apartments (and may even increase supply).”

A recent LA study found that its Rent Stabilization Ordinance, covering 66% of their rental units, has been successful.   It may be true that rent control and rent stabilization have not solved the housing crisis and that rents are very high in places like San Francisco and NYC, but that is not a result of rent control.  Just the opposite – rent stabilization laws have been eroded in those cities, adding to the unaffordability of housing there.  Changes have included allowing property owners to deregulate apartments once vacant (California) or when the unit reaches a regulated rent of $2,000 and goes vacant or its tenants’ income reaches $250,000 or more (NYC). Later changes further lowered the threshold for high-income decontrol and creating a “vacancy bonus” that allowed landlords to raise rents 20% when a stabilized tenant leaves.  These changes in rent control laws have resulted in hundreds of thousands of units leaving the system in both of those cities.

What is clear is that the market, without regulatory laws in place, does not work. How can one call increasing rents by over 100% and forcing people to leave their homes of twenty years, as well as in many cases leaving their community, a working model?

What can be done to control rents?

The short answer right now is that in Washington State very little can be done. When the Republicans got control of both houses and the Governor’s office in 1980, they banned any form of controlling or limiting rental rates. I worked with the State Legislature this year and last year to try and pass State legislation (supported by the Seattle Times) that would have given all renters in Washington State more notice of large rent increases, but landlords opposed that legislation, so our only option is to try and change the state law to give us the local authority. I have proposed a resolution, with Councilmember Sawant co-sponsoring, to request the State to repeal or amend the ban so that Seattle can determine whether there is a policy path that we can design to address our affordability challenges.

We are also asking that HUD determine whether the State should be analyzing the fair housing impacts of the existing law and whether it has resulted in more segregated communities in violation of the state and federal fair housing laws.  I expect the resolution to be on Monday’s, June 8, Council Referral calendar.

In addition, I have an additional bill to amend Seattle’s Tenant Relocation Assistance Ordinance (TRAO) and Just Cause Eviction Ordinance (JCEO).  The bill will: a. help tenants who have been deprived of relocation assistance and 90 days’ notice to move that they would have otherwise received if their landlord followed TRAO instead of displacing them with a large rent increase and b. help tenants have the same protections against eviction at the expiration of a lease as do tenants having a month-to-month tenancy.  These measures will help tenants in a tangible way. They are needed and they are not a burden to any property owner who is following the intent of the current laws.

How Can you be involved?

Contact the City Council and let them know what you think. It’s also important that renters (who make up over half of Seattle’s residents) become involved in organizations that assist renters in learning more about the existing rental laws. The Tenants Union of Washington State has been around for 38 years and they have experience in providing that information.